Late in April, as the conventional combat in Iraq was winding down, shortly after the regime of Saddam Hussein was toppled by US armed forces, President Bush was flown aboard the USS Abraham Lincoln off the coast of southern California in the cockpit of a Navy S3 jet aircraft. The jet’s tail hook caught the landing cable bringing the plane to a dramatic stop, and out of the cockpit climbed Bush, helmet in hand, obviously relishing in his fantasy of being a combat pilot.

The maneuver was purposefully symbolic; it had placed the Commander in Chief in a “combat” role during a time of war aboard an aircraft carrier with an intentional backdrop of open seas. White House strategists had been sure to delay the incoming carrier so that Bush’s visit would come before the mainland of the United States was visible. The sense of danger was palpable regardless of its intended construction. In effect, the situation and set were designed to impress upon all those present, and all those gazing on through their televisions, that the nation was still at war, and that the President had somehow participated and fraternized with the troops.

Victory was declared, justice rendered, and a job well done, as Bush rallied those aboard from the assumed persona of a warrior. His caricature of a soldier was aided by the military uniform of a pilot which he wore replete with his own nametag and wings. George W. Bush never fought in any war, and although his service as a Texas Air National Guard pilot is highly suspect, he carried himself as though a veteran warrior of the highest honor.

Bush was fulfilling his nom de guerre as the commanding chieftain of the warfare state. Head held high and relishing the taste of the nation’s second major war in three years, Bush would attempt to punctuate his administration’s international focus by declaring an end to the conflict, and a shift in his attention toward the domestic economy. But for his stay aboard the Lincoln, the President would remain a warrior.

After spending the night aboard the nuclear powered craft, Bush departed in the morning headed back to “the Homeland” to address the nation’s economic problems. Regardless of his triumph in a lopsided short-term battle, the President could not avoid the issue of American economic well-being (presently a serious illness). Since Bush assumed office the economy has faltered, first quite clearly in the aftermath of 9-11, but later through more sustained and systemic problems which began much earlier and unrelated to the terrorist attacks on the WTC and Pentagon.

By May of 2003, unemployment had steadily climbed to 5.8%, an increase of 1.6% in the 24 months since May of 2001 (it currently measures at 6.1% and climbing). In addition, most indicators of economic growth have slowed as the nation’s corporate crimes and scandals continue to unfold. Bush’s military victory speech alone could not placate even the most ardent supporters of the US invasion of Iraq. Republican advisors, including the most vehement hawks and neo-cons recognize this fact. Thus, George Bush would return from the “warfront” where victory had been achieved to reassure the American people that his economic plan would bring about a recovery, and spur renewed investment and growth.

Santa Clara, California was the location chosen for Bush’s economic address. Stimulus and job creation were to be the focus, and what more fitting venue for a wartime leader’s economic stimulus speech than a military-industrial manufacturing facility that has shown great economic fortune during the same period of decline for most of American businesses? Such a corporation, in the Bush Administration’s figuring, is a perfect example for the rest of the American economy. Bush flew in from San Diego to the greater San Jose area where his motorcade sped quickly across the region’s freeways toward United Defense of Santa Clara, the perfect opportunity to unveil the Administration’s economic stimulus and recovery plan.

United Defense’s Santa Clara business operations are one of the largest military-industrial sites in the Bay Area. The facility manufactures the Bradley Fighting Vehicle, an integral component of the US Army’s infantry divisions. The plant also produces the Hercules Tank Recovery Vehicle, the same machine that helped to tear down a bronze statue of Hussein in that now infamous televised symbol of the American overthrow of the Baathist government in Baghdad. The location implicitly linked a victorious war and an adept warrior administration with the economy. It also guaranteed a favorable, even manic audience.

Within the United Defense plant, Bush began with a tour of the facility’s production floor. Inside of the combat systems integration lab, the president had his second opportunity in two days to play soldier. Bush took the controls of a simulated fighting vehicle and let loose a barrage of firepower on a fictitious computer generated enemy. (1). While Bush was kept busy playing war games and wreaking virtual carnage, the employees of United Defense were treated to a short blustery video featuring their product, the Bradley Fighting Vehicle, destroying and tearing apart the deserts of Iraq. The footage was compiled during the most recent invasion, and showed victorious scenes of US soldiers racing through the sands and streets of Baghdad. Although Bush had come to talk economics, the visit oozed with militarism.

When Bush finally entered to give his short speech, he praised the 1500 military-industrial employees from a podium superimposed on a backdrop of large caliber gun barrels; “You not only helped save lives, but you are an agent for peace…” Bush continued that the workers within the Santa Clara plant, and all the employees of the US military enterprise have, “allow[ed] us to redefine war on our terms so the world will be more free and more peaceful.” The employees roared in support.

Addressing what was supposedly the main topic of his visit, economic recovery, Bush told the workers that further tax cuts and an economic recovery package were key to ending the recession. Focusing his message on the Bay Area the president concluded, “I know there’s people hurting here in Silicon Valley. This incredibly vibrant part of the American economy over the last couple years has not been meeting its full potential… the plan I just outlined is one that will boost the economy in Silicon Valley.” Without having really said much on the details of his economic package, the President left behind a cheering hanger filled with employees of one of the few American corporations not negatively affected by the national economic downturn that has hit Silicon Valley especially hard.

The President and his administration could not have picked a better, or more welcoming crowd to host their visit in Silicon Valley. No Bay Area business has been faring better than United Defense in the wartime economy. While much of the region has been laying off workers, and trimming budgets, United Defense has been expanding operations and reporting heavy profits. Four months prior to the Bush visit, United Defense reported an increase in its net income of 84 cents per share ($43 million), and a revenue rise of 29 percent from $404 million in 2001, to $521 million in 2003. (5). On the eve of the Commander in Chief’s appearance, business was booming for United Defense. Days after the president’s economic recovery speech at the corporation’s Santa Clara site, United Defense announced its $197 million dollar contract to remanufacture Bradley Fighting Vehicles, much of which would be carried out in the Santa Clara plant.

Meanwhile the majority of Bay Area businesses continue to suffer. Most of the civilian oriented technology and manufacturing firms have been unable to rely on a massive military buildup, a remobilization of the American war machine, to stimulate demand. In fact, much of the American economy will continue to linger in recession if a massive defense buildup continues as the trademark of the Bush Administration’s economic policy. While United Defense, along with Lockheed Martin of Sunnyvale, Bechtel of San Francisco, and other military enterprises are experiencing a renewed, almost unprecedented demand for their weapons systems and military products, most sectors of the economy are being hung out to dry.

From May of 2001, to May of 2003, the two-year period coinciding with Bush’s economic recovery speech at United Defense, the US economy has laid off 2,244,000 employees. A staggering 1,201,000 of these job losses were hi-technology positions in manufacturing industries such as; computers and electronics, communications equipment, semiconductors, and electronic instruments, and information services such as; internet publishing/broadcasting, telecommunications, data processing and ISPs, and information services, and computer design. (2). These industries were struck hard by the economic downturn and could no longer rely on a primary military patron with deep pockets to revive them as they once could have.

Silicon Valley, a locus of these hi-tech industries, and information rich services has found itself in decline. The Bush speech on economic recovery was especially ironic given the historic nature of the region as a past hotspot for military contracted work. But signaling a revival of the militarized economy, Neil Orman and Tim Roberts of the Silicon Valley Business Journal wrote in late September of 2001 that;

“Silicon Valley is poised to play a big role in the defense buildup for the war against terrorism, a throwback to an era when defense drove the regions high-tech innovation… Employment in defense here peaked in 1989 at 41,000. But following the fall of the Berlin Wall and the postponement of the Reagan era missile defense system, employment began to drop, hitting a low of 21,400 last year… Now Defense spending is expected to grow again, and Valley companies, which make everything from biological weapons sensors to signaling equipment for intercepting the phone calls of terrorists, are expected to benefit.” 4.
Regardless of what most economists and businesses are reporting, the American economy is booming… for the military industrial-complex that is. Times are especially sweet for corporations with close ties to the White House. Nearly every weapons manufacturer has posted significant earnings and vamped up production lines in the past two years. All the while, most of the economy flounders without federal support or guidance.

For Bush and company, economic stimulus through government spending has only one acceptable route; military spending. The total military budget for the US, which is pushing the $400 billion dollar mark, is sure to wet the lips of America’s military contractors.

The Washington Business Journal reported in June of 2001 that the Capitol region’s military contractors “are licking their chops over a Republican administration that wants to overhaul defense spending and build a national missile defense system.” (6). More so, executives within America’s largest military enterprises are finding themselves encapsulated in a growing market, in many ways impervious to the proclivities of the larger civilian markets. “The general feeling among defense contractors is that we’re still very bullish.” Says Paul Lombardi, CEO of DynCorp. “All the trends point in the right direction.” The Director of Corporate Communications for Logicon, a Northrop Grumman subsidiary, exclaims that, “We’re excited about the administration’s outlook on defense spending.”

Excitement within the nation’s military-industrial complex over a renewed militarization of the US economy is spreading across every region of the nation where significant sums of DoD procurement dollars are spent. St. Louis, Missouri experienced an influx $11.5 billion in contracts for weapons following the first year after September 11, 2001. Boeing has been the biggest winner in the St. Louis economy, but the military’s pork barrel is a deep and generous one. Jim Meier of Sabreliner Corp., a military aircraft services firm located in St. Louis commented during the buildup to the invasion and occupation of Iraq;

“We see a lot of opportunities on the horizon, regardless of whether there is a shooting war with Iraq.” But that in the hopeful prospect of such a “shooting war” Meier added, “Following the Gulf War, we saw a significant increase in business, particularly in turbine engines for helicopters. We expect the same if we get in a conflict in Iraq.” (7).

In Ohio the weapons industry is faring far better percentage wise. The state has seen an explosive 63% growth in US military contracts since 2001. The biggest winners in Ohio include BF Goodrich’s, Goodrich Landing Gear division with contracts valued at hundreds of millions of dollars, General Electric’s Aircraft Engines operation in Evendale, and General Dynamics, who run a tank manufacturing plant in Lima. (8).

The warfare economy in Ohio has so far created 12,000 jobs in the state, but also has had the effect of retarding more stable and valuable civilian economic growth. “If we do go to war, I think it would benefit Ohio (defense contractors),” says Pat Valente of the Ohio Department of Development, “but at the expense of some other industries in the state.”

Nevertheless, the nation’s weapons manufacturers are making record profits in a quickly expanding militarization of the US economy. From Sacramento, to Seattle, Atlanta to Albuquerque, the President’s commitment to cut no costs on the nation’s massive military budget, paired with the administration’s trillion dollar tax cut, and plutocratic economic policy has created an economic environment hostile to the poor, careless of the mainstream, and ready to serve the most audacious wishes of the military industrial complex.

As the Department of Defense budget swells to a projected $399.1 billion in 2004, $420 billion in 2005, and $440 billion in 2006, the present feasts of the Lockheeds and Halliburtons is sure to look like slim pickings. (9). With procurement and R&D accounting for 35% of the defense budget, American military contractors are expecting a pool of $141.2 billion to compete for. This is not to include construction, and operations & maintenance, two sub-categories in the DoD budget that are becoming increasingly privatized and opened up to would be profiteers. If the contingent costs of occupying Iraq, and waging a continued guerilla war in Afghanistan are added, any projected total jumps by over $100 billion. All told, American military enterprises are looking at a 2004 military with at least $250 billion allocated for weapons purchases, service contracts, and, well of course don’t forget those “agents for peace,” United Defense’s Bradley Fighting Vehicles.


1. Chronicle Staff Report. “Bush Boosts Economic Plan in Santa Clara Speech.” SF Chronicle. May 2, 2003.
2. US Department of Labor: Bureau of Labor and Statistics. “National Employment, Hours, and Earnings.” www.bls.gov
3. US Department of Labor: Bureau of Labor and Statistics. “Labor Force Statistics: Unemployment Rate.” www.bls.gov
4. Orman, Neil & Timothy Roberts. “Valley Likely Defense Player.” Silicon Valley Business Journal. September 24, 2001.
5. United Defense. “Press Release: United Defense Reports Strong Fourth Quarter and 2002 Results.” January 27, 2003.
6. Kady, Martin II & Mike Sunnucks. “Bandits Bank on Bush.” Washington Business Journal. June 4, 2001.
7. Garrison, Chad. “Defense Companies Land $11 Billion in Contracts.” St. Louis Business Journal. September 30, 2002.
8. Kemper, Kevin. “Military Spending Benefits Ohio.” Columbus Business First. October 14, 2002.
9. Hellman, Christopher. “Fiscal Year 2004 Pentagon Budget Request.” Center for Defense Information. February 3, 2003. www.cdi.org