Liam
O'Donoghue
On June 15, Berkeley City Council unanimously
supported amendments to the California state and US Constitutions
declaring that corporations are not granted the "rights" of natural persons
and that expenditure of corporate money is not constitutionally
protected free speech. The resolution asserts that corporations
dominate the political process and deny citizens their right
to govern through democracy. Although corporate personhood
is a foggy, if not completely unknown, concept for most US
citizens, Berkeley's move is the latest victory for a nascent,
national movement determined to bring this issue into the public
spotlight.
"Corporations are granted similar rights to you and me," Berkeley
Mayor Tom Bates said of the legal inequality between "real" individuals
and corporate persons, "but they do not have the same responsibilities. They
pay a lower tax rate, they can't be sent to jail for breaking
the law, and they have no real obligation beyond maximizing
shareholder profit."
In upholding a lower court verdict in
the 1886 case of Santa Clara County v. Southern Pacific Railroad
Company which granted corporations the same, equal protection
of laws guaranteed to individuals by the Fourteenth Amendment,
the US Supreme Court set the precedent for corporate dominance
in the US legal system. It took about a century of lawsuits for corporations
to win all the "rights" accorded to individuals, (it wasn't
until 1978 that the Supreme Court decided to protect corporate
commercial and political spending as "free speech), but, for
corporations, unlike the individuals challenging them, these
legal battles are a tax-deductible expense. Berkeley
is the largest municipality to pass a resolution (a formal,
but legally non-binding opinion) challenging these constitutional
protections so far, but activists in this grassroots movement
to abolish corporate personhood are hoping that Berkeley's
resolution will spark interest in other communities.
City Council members and community activists
from Arcata (CA) which passed a similar resolution on May
19 are already gathering support for an actual law. Arcata's resolution calls
for the issue to be discussed in town hall meetings to gather
information that will be used to draft laws or ordinances to
prevent corporations from interfering with democracy. City
Council member Dave Meserve explained how Arcata was recently
forced to sell timber harvested from a community forest to
a subsidiary of Pacific Lumber/Maxxam Corp. "We're powerless
not to do business with them," Meserve said, "because they're
the highest bidder, and if we didn't, it would be discrimination. If
we pass an ordinance that enables us not to sell to corporations
with bad records, that would leave us free to make the decisions
we want."
Although PL/MC has racked up 325 violations
of environmental laws since 1999, opposition to the timber
giant is even more personal than eco-concerns in Arcata. In March of 2002,
one month after defeating a 20-year incumbent, Arcata's District
Attorney Paul Gallegos filed a fraud lawsuit against PL/MC. Soon
after, Pacific Lumber plunged $40,000 into a campaign to recall
Gallegos. Representatives of Maxxam denied involvement (HA!),
even though the action was totally legal, thanks to the 1978
case of First National Bank of Boston v. Bellotti, in which
the US Supreme Court declared that corporate persons (corporations)
have the same free speech rights as natural persons, and can
spend unlimited sums of money in the form of ads and campaign
contributions. Although the recall failed, it alerted
many residents of Arcata to the threat to democratic sovereignty
that corporations pose, even at the local level.
Democracy Unlimited of Humboldt County
(DUHC), an organization dedicated to "creating a truly democratic society by provoking
a non-violent popular uprising against corporate rule in Humboldt
County that can serve as a model for other communities across
the US," has organized public forums, helped teachers develop
curriculums, and played a role in developing local legislation
such as a local ordinance opposing the USA PATRIOT Act. Kaitlin
Sopoci-Belknap, Director Of DUHC (which includes Green Party
Presidential nominee David Cobb on its Steering Committee),
cites the Gallegos recall attempt as a perfect example of why
allowing corporate campaign donations to be classified as "free
speech" is detrimental to reforming the US democratic system. "This
is why we can't have meaningful campaign finance reform," she
said. "It's a crisis of jurisdiction."
Global Issue, Local Battles
On July 5, Richard Grossman, of the Program
on Corporations, Law, and Democracy, Jan Edwards, who spearheaded
the first anti-corporate personhood resolution in Point Arena
(CA), and about 50 other community organizers, educators,
politicians and activists from around the country converged
in Santa Rosa (CA) for a day-long conference on how to effectively
mobilize resources to strengthen this movement which has
been mostly ignored by the mainstream media. Those in attendance
took careful notes as Pennsylvania lawyer Tom Linzey described
the strategies he has used in his victories against corporate
factory farms (now known in Orwellian corporate-speak as "advanced" or "progressive(?!)" farms)
and waste disposal companies.
Linzey co-founded the Community Environmental
Legal Defense Fund (CELDF) in 1995, but his work in the legal
trenches in the battle against corporate personhood really
started in 1997, when the State of Pennsylvania began enforcing
a law which nullified the waste-disposal regulations of more
than 100 townships. Linzey
soon found himself bombarded with requests from communities
who wanted to defend their economies and environments. The
State's decision to exert the legality of its weak waste-disposal
law allowed corporations to dispose of sewage sludge by dumping
the harmful material (two youths died following exposure) on
farms, by classifying it as "fertilizer." With Linzey's
help, these communities began passing stricter ordinances against
this devastating pollution, and some of these townships even
passed ordinances prohibiting corporations from owning farmland. Several
agribusinesses such as Synagro-WWT, Inc. and PennAg responded
with lawsuits, claiming that their constitutional right of
due process had been violated. Licking and Porter, two
small townships, then took the historic step of passing laws
that declared, "Corporatations shall not be considered to be 'persons'
protected by the Constitution of the United States."
Linzey rallied a coalition including
400 local townships, the Sierra Club, the AFL-CIO, and several
farmers' and citizens' rights groups to fight the against
the corporate waste disposal plan. At the conference, he beamed while announcing
the results of this battle. "Not a single teaspoon of
sewage sludge has been poured onto farmland in any one of these
communities since then."
"People working on these issues understand that you can't
deal with sprawl, incinerators, toxic waste, etc. without dealing
with corporate rights," Linzey said, alluding to the seeming
consensus among many of those at the conference who feel that,
right now, the immediate goal of this movement needs to be
raising pubic awareness. The Corporation [ITALICS],
a Canadian documentary now touring throughout the US, is furthering
this goal by packing theatres and offering an ideal venue for
groups like San Francisco-based Personhood Inc. to set up tables
of literature, brochures, and petitions. The community
dialogue instigated by this movie, and in town hall meetings
in places like Arcata and Porter, Pennsylvania, are the key
components of a functional democracy according to Kaitlin Sopoci-Belknap
of DUHC. "People aren't encouraged to talk to
each other about fundamental societal questions," she said. "But
we're trying to build a democratic community through these
meetings, because in order for the law to change, culture has
to change."
To learn more about how corporations
co-opted the Constitution and what you can do to get involved
with the anti-corporate personhood movement, check out:
www.DUHC.org and www.celdf.org